A Guide to Contextualizing the Reality of Systemic Racism and Black Suicidology

These past months, I have been engulfed in a haze of 24/7 media coverage. It began with the COVID-19 pandemic, filling me with increasing anxiety. The mortality rate for COVID-19 has been disproportionately affecting the African American, Latinx, and Indigenous communities.1 I worried about my family members whose positionality reflects comorbidities, older age, and minority populations. The hospitalization/death of family members and family friends has left me physically exhausted—experiencing insomnia and feeling mentally drained. I was still glued to the television when the recorded murder of George Floyd literally ignited America.

We Black professionals have learned how to master navigating through the murky waters of microaggressions and institutionalized oppression. Over a duration, I thought the clout of respectability politics – the discourse that professional minorities can rise above racism due to their professional status – would shield me from this. I was wrong. I have awakened, this week, with a complete comprehension of my positionality as a mental health professional, and a clear understanding of the context of suicide among Black Americans.

This article, the first in a series, is written with the objective of examining the social-political context of Black suicidology. We will examine the historical catalyst that has created the “perfect storm” of racial civil unrest and trauma within the Black community. The main goal is to understand how this impacts the growing trend of suicide among Black youth.2

Psychological Theories on Black Suicide

Postulated by Dr. Joy Degruy, the theory of Post-traumatic Slave Syndrome asserts that chattel slavery (which allowed people — considered legal property — to be bought, sold, and owned forever) left a legacy of intergenerational, psychological trauma on the descendants of enslaved Africans.3 It is represented in the current mental health crisis and racial disparities that we observe today. Another theorist, psychiatrist Dr. Alvin Poussaint, elaborates that the stigmatization of depression/suicide within the Black community, compounded with the minimalization of the mental health crisis by mental health professionals, constructs the current rise in suicide among Black boys and men.4 These scholars argue that suicide is a symptom of a larger trauma that Black people endure.

To enhance our comprehension of these theories, let us visualize the traumatic stress of the Black community in comparison to a rubber band. A moderate amount of stress, which is a natural reaction to stimuli within our environment, is intrinsically linked to our survival. Similarly, a rubber band is engineered to be elastic and handle a moderate amount of stress and tension. However, when too much force is exerted, without any release, the rubber band will snap.

In recent years, suicidal behavior among Black youth has significantly increased.5 As experts across a multitude of specialties continue to work in understanding the methodology behind this trend, we can look to previous and current events to paint a snapshot of what in the world is happening. In my opinion, the vicarious trauma experienced by the Black collective – because of repeated exposure to stress – has cultivated the internal and external stress that is currently present.

This stress is not random nor coincidental; it is systemic. African Americans have been funneled through imperialism, the trans-Atlantic slave trade, chattel slavery, Jim Crow, the Civil Rights Movement, and a “post-racial” America. In between these defining moments, space has not been created to holistically heal and breathe.

The COVID-19 pandemic, which disproportionately impacts African Americans, has increased these tensions. African Americans mostly reside in densely populated cities. Their homes are often intergenerational and contain extended family. They are more likely to lack medical/mental health resources, preventive care, are overrepresented in the prison system, are essential/critical workers, have little to no sick time, and work under horrible working conditions. 6

These stresses are heightened by the political racial divide that has resurfaced as a result of the killings of Ahmaud Aubrey, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd. The global protest we are witnessing in this historical era is directed at police brutality. Within their lifetimes, Black boys and men are at the highest risk of being killed by police than any other racial group.7

The Role of Social Media

I think it is important to also understand the role social media plays in all of this. On one hand, it serves as a platform to facilitate the quick distribution of information to a large mass of individuals. This helps to circulate instances of police brutality and other discriminations to the masses, which helps mobilize movements within activism.

On the other hand, the lack of filtering violence has repeatedly exposed adolescents to images of brutalized Black bodies. You can easily find, as you scroll through your social media feed, at least one if not several uncensored videos or images of Black traumatization. For Generation Z, where technology and social media are embedded in their daily lives, these images may have adverse effects.

How does the repeated exposure to these images influence the psyche of Black youth? Does it correlate with or contribute to the increased suicidal behavior among Black youth? The present pandemic and police brutality together cultivate the conditions for a global protest and increase mental health dysfunctions that are currently apparent. Comparable to the upward trend of Black youth suicide, the disproportionate mortality rate of COVID-19 and police brutality may be linked to the systemic overlap of marginalization.

Connecting Systemic Racism to Black Youth Suicide

What does this all have to do with Black youth suicide? Black suicidology does not exist within a vacuum. It is situational and framed by a multitude of factors. Therefore, it is important to contextualize the collective experience. And in a society with a history of racial division, we cannot separate the system from the context. The growing trend of suicide among Black youth is a symptom of systemic racism and the systematic marginalization of Black experiences.

For example, a recent study documented that several White doctors hold racial beliefs that “Black people have physically tougher skin” and “have a higher pain threshold than White patients”.7 Perceived racial biases such as these contribute to the systematic mistreatment of Black people by the medical field. Black women have a maternal mortality rate that is three times higher than White women. ADHD Black youth are often underdiagnosed or misdiagnosed with Oppositional Defiant Disorder (ODD).9

Although Black youth are the fastest growing group within adolescents for suicidal behavior, Black people are underrepresented in suicide-related research and treatment, and as mental health professionals. The patterns that we are observing are conditioned upon institutionalized racism. How do we address Black suicide without acknowledging the whole system?

It is like a hive of hornets have built a nest in your attic, and instead of removing the whole nest, you spend your days and nights shooing away the hornets around you. The underlying causes of the problem persist.

The Role of Mental Health Professionals

The Black mental health crisis is a residual effect of a system that needs reforming. This state of emergency has been afire for over four-hundred years. What steps can we in the mental health field take to increase the efficacy of treatment for Black suicidal behavior?

When we address Black suicidology, it is essential to address the impact of racism on our clients’ experiences. It is essential to evaluate institutionalized oppression holistically – meaning, examine how housing, financial, economic, environmental, and other social factors directly impact your client. As we address and acknowledge systemic oppression, we as mental health professionals must strive to understand the whole picture.

I think that as mental health professionals it is our responsibility to acknowledge and strive to understand and act upon the uniqueness of the Black life experience. I conclude that there are five main components in reforming the ways we deal with racial disparities within Black suicidology.

  1. Provide more inclusive research. As with research in general, the general body of suicide research currently focuses on Whiteness. We need to fund more research tailored to addressing the unique experiences of Black people. We cannot be under the assumption that research impacts people of color similarly to Whites. It is essential to acknowledge and address how cultural/social differences should effect specialized nuances in assessment and treatment methodology.
  2. Integrate the community. The survival of Black America is built on community, family structure, and the church. To address suicide, we must meet clients where they are. As CAMS and other effective treatments understand, the individual is the expert on their own experience. People know what they need, and it is our objective to provide them with the tools and terminology for their mental health. For example, many in the Black community may describe suicidal behavior as a manifestation of physical pain (ex., “I’m feeling pain in my stomach” or “my head hurts”) or as a symptom of “strange” behavior (i.e., “my child is being lazy” or “her behavior has been changed”). Mental health professionals not versed in these cultural differences may dismiss, overlook, and misdiagnose their clients.
  3. Introduce accessible mental health services. Accessibility refers to providing services in communities of color and services that are affordable. We have discussed the political and social disparities that make accessible mental health services difficult. Accessibility is crucial in the struggle to combat suicide in the Black community.
  4. Fund evidence-based treatments that support multicultural therapy. There is limited research on the efficacy of treatments/therapies directed specifically towards Black trauma and suicide. We are not fully adept at understanding what works; however, of the literature available, treatments that are multicultural in nature are most effective with this community. Multicultural treatments integrate a collaborative (client-led) and community-centered approach.
  5. Educate and hire more Black mental health providers. Due to a history of medical/mental health racism, there is distrust of the mental health field by Black people.11 Is it fair to expect marginalized people to freely interact with a system they perceive to be oppressive? Instead, it is more beneficial to validate and empathize with our clients, and Black mental health providers are most inherently suited for this. Therefore, we need more Black mental health professionals who more likely possess an acute understanding of the lived experiences of those they are treating.

Next Steps

We are experiencing a shift in the American conscious. As Black Americans continue to deal with stressors of racism, mental health services are a necessity.

What is our responsibility in providing preventive measures and intervention to this community during these extraordinary times? How do we continue to address the growing trend of suicidal behavior among Black youth? What is our responsibility as mental health providers in comprehending the pain of our clients, colleagues, and students?

These questions form the basis of conversations that need to happen in our field, but it starts with acknowledging the reality of systemic racism, the impact of institutionalized marginalization and racial disparities, and the psychological toll it takes to survive.

References:

  1. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/need-extra-precautions/racial-ethnic-minorities.html
  2. Degruy, Joy. (2005). Post traumatic slave syndrome: America’s legacy of enduring injury and healing. Milwaukie, Oregon: Upton Press.
  3. https://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5070636
  4. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/need-extra-precautions/racial-ethnic-minorities.html
  5. https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/need-extra-precautions/racial-ethnic-minorities.html
  6. https://www.pnas.org/content/116/34/16793
  7. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC4843483/

About the Author

Tanisha Esperanza Jarvis M.A.

Tanisha Esperanza Jarvis M.A.
Tanisha Esperanza Jarvis received her B.A. in anthropology and sociology at Spelman College in 2015, where she also minored in Comparative Women’s Studies. While at Spelman, her research focused on integrating academia and social justice. As a Bonner Scholar and Social Justice Fellow her research work included preventative and interventional treatment of sexual trauma and LGBTQ and racial/ethnic minority research. She finished her M.A. in psychological sciences from The Catholic University of America (CUA) in 2019. Her research within the Suicide Prevention Lab (SPL) focused on integrating an international approach to CAMS research and treatment of suicidality within marginalized communities.

About Tanisha Esperanza Jarvis M.A.

Tanisha Esperanza Jarvis M.A.
Tanisha Esperanza Jarvis received her B.A. in anthropology and sociology at Spelman College in 2015, where she also minored in Comparative Women’s Studies. While at Spelman, her research focused on integrating academia and social justice. As a Bonner Scholar and Social Justice Fellow her research work included preventative and interventional treatment of sexual trauma and LGBTQ and racial/ethnic minority research. She finished her M.A. in psychological sciences from The Catholic University of America (CUA) in 2019. Her research within the Suicide Prevention Lab (SPL) focused on integrating an international approach to CAMS research and treatment of suicidality within marginalized communities.

Suicidality in Correctional Facilities: Challenges in Assessing and Treating

With suicide rates rising dramatically over the past few years in both state prisons and local jails, the need for effective assessment and treatment of suicidal behavior as well as other forms of mental illness for inmates also increases. However, the nature of the correctional system and local and state facilities present unique challenges to the effort.

Below are four of the major challenges our correctional facilities face in their efforts to serve inmates experiencing suicidal ideation or other suicidal behaviors.

Challenge #1: Rising Mental Illness and Suicide Rates

The alarming trend of rising mental illness and suicide rates in correctional facilities is a major concern in the United States. The chart below visualizes the increase in the number of suicides in local jails and federal state prisons in the United States from 2000-2019.

Suicide and Mental Health Statistics for Incarcerated Individuals

  • The Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) has reported a staggering 30% increase in suicide rates in state prisons from 2013 to 2014, highlighting the dire state of mental health care in these facilities.
  • Suicide was also found to be the leading cause of death in 2014 in local jails, with a 13% increase from the previous year.
  • The rate of mental health issues in jails and prisons is three times higher than that of the general population.
    44% of jail inmates and 37% of prisoners report having been diagnosed with a mental health disorder prior to their incarceration.
  • The most common mental health disorder among both prisoners and jail inmates was major depressive disorder, which is known to be highly associated with suicidal thoughts and behaviors.

Challenge #2: Difficulty in Assessing “Secondary Gain” Behaviors

Occasionally, savvy inmates and prisoners may recognize opportunity in feigning suicidal thoughts or behavior in order to manipulate “the system”. This is called “Malingering.” Reference Here:

 

Malingering is falsification or profound exaggeration of illness (physical or mental) to gain external benefits such as avoiding work or responsibility, seeking drugs, avoiding trial (law), seeking attention, avoiding military services, leave from school, paid leave from a job, among others.

 

In correctional facilities, presenting suicidal behavior can result in extra attention, trips to the hospital, special treatment, and more. It becomes difficult to discern between a genuine cry for help and those employing manipulative measures for their own gain or entertainment.

This presents a dilemma for administrators and health providers in correctional facilities, as they must balance the need to provide appropriate care with the risk of enabling manipulative or “secondary gain” behaviors. In some cases, the presence of these individuals can lead to a sense of suspicion or distrust, causing some administrators to become overly cautious in their approach to treatment. Unfortunately, this cautious approach can also result in underserving inmates who are genuinely struggling with mental health issues and suicidal ideation.

Challenge #3: Frequent Transfers and Short Terms

The issue of frequent transfers and short terms for inmates in correctional facilities poses a significant challenge for mental health professionals tasked with addressing suicidal behavior.

In some settings, clinicians and other mental health professionals may only have the opportunity to meet with a suicidal inmate for one or two sessions before the inmate is transferred or released.

This limited time frame makes it extremely difficult to accurately assess an inmate’s risk of suicide and to identify the underlying drivers of their suicidality. Without a comprehensive assessment and prevention program in place, mental health professionals may not have the tools or resources needed to quickly uncover an inmate’s true drivers of suicidal behavior.

As a result, accurate risk assessment and effective treatment become virtually impossible, and inmates may not receive the care and support they need to address their mental health issues. The root causes of their suicidal behavior may go unaddressed, leading to a continued risk of suicide even after their release.

Challenge #4: Most Correctional Policies Focus on Containment Instead of Treatment

The prevalence of mental illness in correctional facilities is a significant issue, and unfortunately, correctional officers are often more concerned with maintaining order and security within their facilities, and this can result in limited attention being given to caring for inmates with mental health disorders. Policies for addressing suicidality in particular tend to prioritize containment over treatment, especially when resources are scarce. In some facilities, the policies for managing a suicidal inmate may be inadvertently counterproductive and even punitive or demeaning, which can discourage inmates from seeking help and exacerbate their mental health issues.

Moreover, while some inmates may be screened for suicide, it can be challenging to provide follow-up screening and assessment or access the resources to provide treatment for suicidal inmates. This can result in inadequate care for inmates with mental health disorders, leaving them at risk of harming themselves or others.

A supporting example that offers insight into the containment vs treatment statement comes from a U.S. Department of Justice National Institute of Corrections training guide titled “Inmate Behavior Management: The Key to a Safe and Secure Jail”, (published in 2009):

The inmate behavior management plan consists of six essential elements:

  • Assessing the risks and needs of each inmate at various points during his or her detention.
  • Assigning inmates to housing.
  • Meeting inmates’ basic needs.
  • Defining and conveying expectations for inmate behavior.
  • Supervising inmates.
  • Keeping inmates occupied with productive activities.
For more information

For more information on this topic, read “The Challenges of Assessing and Treating Suicidalty in Correctional Facilities: A Possible Solution with CAMS-care” by Jennifer Crumlish, Ph.D.

About the Author

Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.

Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.
Dr. Jennifer Crumlish received her Ph.D. in clinical psychology at The Catholic University of America in 1996. She completed her pre-doctoral internship at St. Elizabeths in Washington, D.C., Her interest in research started while working in the Biological Psychiatry Branch in the NIMH at NIH during graduate school. She has taught courses in the graduate psychology program at Catholic University in psychopathology and diagnostic assessment and supervised students in the psychotherapy practicum. From 2006 until 2017, Dr. Crumlish was a consultant to the D.C. Department of Human Services Adult Protective Services division and conducted capacity evaluations of adults throughout the city. Dr. Crumlish is currently an examiner for the Superior Court of D.C. Probate Division and has presented at several conferences on elder abuse in Washington, D.C. Currently Dr. Crumlish is a partner in the Washington Psychological Center where she provides therapy to adolescents, adults and couples. In addition, she is the Assistant Director of the Suicide Prevention Lab at the Catholic University of America where she has been a consultant on several randomized controlled trials of CAMS. As a Senior Consultant with CAMS-care, LLC, Dr. Crumlish has provided training in CAMS to mental health providers at multiple military posts, a state correctional organization and local and state mental health suicide prevention organizations.

About Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.

Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.
Dr. Jennifer Crumlish received her Ph.D. in clinical psychology at The Catholic University of America in 1996. She completed her pre-doctoral internship at St. Elizabeths in Washington, D.C., Her interest in research started while working in the Biological Psychiatry Branch in the NIMH at NIH during graduate school. She has taught courses in the graduate psychology program at Catholic University in psychopathology and diagnostic assessment and supervised students in the psychotherapy practicum. From 2006 until 2017, Dr. Crumlish was a consultant to the D.C. Department of Human Services Adult Protective Services division and conducted capacity evaluations of adults throughout the city. Dr. Crumlish is currently an examiner for the Superior Court of D.C. Probate Division and has presented at several conferences on elder abuse in Washington, D.C. Currently Dr. Crumlish is a partner in the Washington Psychological Center where she provides therapy to adolescents, adults and couples. In addition, she is the Assistant Director of the Suicide Prevention Lab at the Catholic University of America where she has been a consultant on several randomized controlled trials of CAMS. As a Senior Consultant with CAMS-care, LLC, Dr. Crumlish has provided training in CAMS to mental health providers at multiple military posts, a state correctional organization and local and state mental health suicide prevention organizations.

The Challenges of Assessing and Treating Prison Suicidality: A Possible Solution with CAMS-care

Suicide Prevention in Jails

The correctional officers (COs) told their supervisor they had had it with Inmate Roy Jones (a fictional composite of realincarcerated individuals). During a busy change of shift, Roy told his CO that an hour earlier he had swallowed a razor blade and pieces of scavenged metal, and now was regretting that he had done so. Taken by a CO to the infirmary, the nurse on duty assessed Roy and noted his blood pressure was high, he looked pale, and he was spitting up blood. Due to a recent high-profile suicide in the facility that had brought unwanted publicity, pressure on staff to avert additional incidents increased tension among CO managers and mental health supervisors. As a result, being cautious, the nurse recommended that Roy be transported to the local hospital. After a 6-hour wait in the emergency department, diagnostic imaging conducted at the hospital revealed no evidence of arazor blade or metal, and Roy was transported back to the prison. Needless to say, the amount of time spent at the hospital and absence of the two COs accompanying him created more stress for the COs covering the shift.

Engaging in multiple suicide attempts as well as several incidences of reporting attempts that were revealed to be false, Roy was proving to be a major management issue for both the COs and the mental health team. Roy was just one of several inmates with escalating self-harming and suicidal behaviors since the death of the suicidal inmate. In addition to suicidal behaviors, Roy was combative, faced additional time for punching a CO, was often non-compliant with treatment, and committed many rule violations related to substance use, fighting with other inmates, and possession of contraband items. Each time Roy faced disciplinary action or was moved to a more restrictive placement, he either made another attempt or claimed he had made an attempt.

Suicide Rates in Prison

As the number of beds in inpatient mental health facilities have declined – or in some communities disappeared – jails and prisons have become de facto centers for housing individuals with significant untreated mental health issues1 and rates of suicide in correctional facilities, after a downward trend, have increased in the past few years. Statistics from the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) indicate that the rate of suicides in US state prisons increased 30% from 2013 to 2014, after there had a been a 6% decrease in rates from 2012 to 2013.2 In local jails in 2014, suicide was the leading cause of death, increasing 13% over 2013 rates, and was the largest number of jail suicides since reporting began in 2000. Rates of mental illness are also higher in inmates in jails and prisons than in the general population, with 37% of prisoners and 44% of jail inmates reporting they had been diagnosed with a mental health disorder prior to incarceration. This rate is three times higher than the rate of mental health issues in the general population. Major depressive disorder was the most common disorder for both prisoners and jail inmates, with bipolar disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, and anxiety disorders noted by 13 to 18 percent.4

The Challenge of Inmates with Mental Health Issues

Inmates like Roy create a dilemma for correctional facility staff. COs are wary of potential manipulative behaviors that may be used to “get out of jail,” so to speak, and mental health professionals are pressed to identify risk and prevent attempts while not enabling manipulative or “secondary gain” behaviors. COs may be more skeptical of mental health issues and focused on managing and maintaining order in a facility, whereas mental health professionals are aware that some behaviors are beyond an inmate’s control and may be exacerbated by the stress of incarceration.

A national study of suicide in correctional facilities revealed that most of the institutions that had experienced the death of an inmate by suicide subsequently created a written suicide prevention policy. However, it was less evident how comprehensive those policies were or how often they were being fully implemented.5 Components of a comprehensive suicide prevention program in a correctional facility include training of all correctional staff, intake and ongoing assessment for suicide risk, means restriction, and suicide resistant housing, as well as procedures to facilitate communication amongst staff members regarding the status of the suicidal inmate.6

Though many facilities screen inmates upon intake, policies for addressing suicidality may focus on containment rather than treatment. For some facilities, inadvertently, the policies for managing a suicidal inmate may often be counter-productive – and in some cases punitive or demeaning. Suicidal inmates may feel pressured to deny being suicidal in order to be released back into the general population. Though many inmates may be screened for suicide, it may be more challenging to provide follow-up screening and assessment, or for a facility to have access to the resources to provide treatment for a suicidal inmate.

CAMS-care In Action

For the past three years, CAMS-care has trained mental health providers in a large state correctional organization to use CAMS with inmates in their mental health care systems. Implementation has revealed that CAMS provides a streamlined method to assess risk level, identify direct and indirect drivers of suicide, and collaboratively create a solid stabilization plan that inmates use with effective coping strategies to rely upon in the face of a suicidal crisis. The use of CAMS-care’sassessment tool, the SSF-IV-R, helps clinicians and inmates move beyond the question “Are you suicidal?” to “What are the factors (direct drivers) that make you want to end your life?” and “What treatments can be identified and implemented to target and treat those drivers so suicide is no longer the only coping strategy when those drivers are triggered?”

Getting at the Real Drivers

Clinicians who are new to CAMS in this system often report that when they use the SSF with inmates who experience both acute or chronic suicidality, they are surprised to discover that the direct and indirect drivers identified by the patient are different than what the clinicians had anticipated. For example, one clinician reported that she anticipated that an inmate serving a life sentence was likely suicidal due to despair over life imprisonment. However, when she completed CAMS-care’s SSF with this inmate, he revealed that a direct driver was his shame about incarceration, since it prevented him from providing for and supporting his wife and children. A second direct driver was his grief at being separated from his wife. Though in despair about his life sentence, the sentence itself did not make him want to end his life. Instead, his sense of shame and guilt about the crime he had committed and the impact on his family is what made him suicidal. Ending his lifewould be a way to reduce the pain of the burden he felt he had created for his family and relieve himself of the emotional pain he felt about being separated from his wife.

In this case, the clinician’s original assumption (that the inmate’s direct driver of suicide was his life sentence) left her with limited options for treatment. What treatment can cure a life sentence?

However, by using CAMS, she and the inmate were able to identify drivers of suicide that could be addressed by psychotherapy, and she was able to assist the inmate in developing a CAMS Stabilization Plan he could use when he began to feel suicidal in response to his sense of shame and grief.

What About Attention-Seekers and Malingerers in Prison?

Returning to inmate Roy Jones, the issue with someone like Roy is trying to gauge whether his behaviors are primarily suicidal or primarily manipulative in order to make a determination regarding placement to either treatment or confinement.Roy’s dramatic and risky self-injurious behaviors often occurred in response to disciplinary actions, changes in his housing, or a decline in his mental health functioning. In addition, inmates like Roy often have a history of suicide attempts prior to incarceration, making them at higher risk of completing suicide.

In fact, in the state correctional facility where CAMS-care provided training, some clinicians were initially skeptical about the benefit of using CAMS with this type of inmate, anticipating that the inmates would exaggerate their symptoms, making it difficult to accurately assess risk. For many clinicians, it was “safer” to send all inmates reporting suicidal ideation to the health center at the facility instead of returning them to the general population – even when, in their clinical judgment, the inmate was likely malingering.

Contrary to this assumption, for many inmates with this profile the use of CAMS revealed that inmates like Roy had direct and indirect drivers of suicide that had not been previously identified (i.e., disciplinary actions and changes in housing), and their main coping strategies when these drivers were triggered were self-harm and attempts at suicide. Clinicians reported that many of the inmates with primarily suicidal behaviors and secondary gain issues liked CAMS and reportedly found it helpful, particularly in identifying and using alternative coping strategies from their CAMS Stabilization Plan. Overall, inmates with suicidal intent and attention-seeking behaviors, like Roy, found it a relief to engage in the CAMS Framework.

In contrast, inmates who were malingering were very resistant to the use of CAMS and often refused to collaborate in the process, or openly admitted that they were using suicide to get their needs met.

As a result, clinicians reported feeling more confident regarding their assessment of risk as well as a positive experience using the SSF to identify direct and indirect drivers of suicide to help these inmates get out of the cycle of self-harm as a coping strategy or to get attention.

When Time is of the Essence

Clinicians in settings where they only meet with a suicidal inmate for one assessment session, or perhaps for one or two sessions before the inmate is due to be transferred, expressed an interest in using CAMS; however, they felt they could not since the CAMS-care Online Video demonstrates a 12-session protocol for using CAMS.

To accommodate clinicians in these short-term settings, a one-session model of CAMS was recommended and used successfully. In this model, clinicians were encouraged to collaborate with the inmate on completing an Initial Session SSF-IV-R, with an emphasis on creating a solid CAMS Stabilization Plan to start the inmate on the path of using alternative coping strategies. By identifying indirect and direct drivers of suicide in this one-session model and entering that information into the inmate’s record, any clinician meeting with the inmate after discharge from the short-term setting wouldhave access to the CAMS Treatment plan and likely be able to continue targeting and treating the inmate’s drivers of suicide.

As more clinicians in this organization were trained in CAMS, the likelihood that an inmate could move from setting tosetting and continue treatment in the CAMS Framework increased, improving the odds that the risk level of suicide would decrease for the inmate.

In Summary

Despite some concerns that CAMS may be challenging to implement in a correctional setting, clinicians who have been trained in this setting over the past three years report that they prefer CAMS over other assessment tools, and inmates like the process of collaborating on the SSF. These clinicians now have more confidence in their suicide prevention efforts, and in some cases disruptive behaviors have decreased and suicidal inmates have reduced their suicidal behaviors.

CAMS may be a successful approach to managing suicidal inmates in both short-term and long-term settings, and clearly meets the criteria for an effective suicide prevention approach in a range of correctional facilities.

  1. Cloud, (2014) On life support: Public health in the age of mass incarceration New York: Vera Institute of Justice
  2. Noonan, E. (2016) Mortality in State Prisons, 2001-2014 – Statistical Tables U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics.
  3. Noonan, E. (2016) Mortality in Local Jails, 2000-2014 – Statistical Tables U.S. Department of Justice, Office of JusticePrograms, Bureau of Justice Statistics
  4. Bronson, and Berszofsky, M. (2017) Indicators of Mental Health Problems Reported by Prisoners and Jail Inmates, 2011-12. U.S.Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics
  5. Hayes, M. (2012). National study of jail suicides: 20 years later Correct Health Care Jul;18(3):233-45
  6. Hayes, (2013). Suicide Prevention in Correctional Facilities: Reflections and Next Steps International Journal of Law and Psychiatry 36, 188–194

About the Author

Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.

Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.
Dr. Jennifer Crumlish received her Ph.D. in clinical psychology at The Catholic University of America in 1996. She completed her pre-doctoral internship at St. Elizabeths in Washington, D.C., Her interest in research started while working in the Biological Psychiatry Branch in the NIMH at NIH during graduate school. She has taught courses in the graduate psychology program at Catholic University in psychopathology and diagnostic assessment and supervised students in the psychotherapy practicum. From 2006 until 2017, Dr. Crumlish was a consultant to the D.C. Department of Human Services Adult Protective Services division and conducted capacity evaluations of adults throughout the city. Dr. Crumlish is currently an examiner for the Superior Court of D.C. Probate Division and has presented at several conferences on elder abuse in Washington, D.C. Currently Dr. Crumlish is a partner in the Washington Psychological Center where she provides therapy to adolescents, adults and couples. In addition, she is the Assistant Director of the Suicide Prevention Lab at the Catholic University of America where she has been a consultant on several randomized controlled trials of CAMS. As a Senior Consultant with CAMS-care, LLC, Dr. Crumlish has provided training in CAMS to mental health providers at multiple military posts, a state correctional organization and local and state mental health suicide prevention organizations.

About Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.

Jennifer Crumlish Ph.D.
Dr. Jennifer Crumlish received her Ph.D. in clinical psychology at The Catholic University of America in 1996. She completed her pre-doctoral internship at St. Elizabeths in Washington, D.C., Her interest in research started while working in the Biological Psychiatry Branch in the NIMH at NIH during graduate school. She has taught courses in the graduate psychology program at Catholic University in psychopathology and diagnostic assessment and supervised students in the psychotherapy practicum. From 2006 until 2017, Dr. Crumlish was a consultant to the D.C. Department of Human Services Adult Protective Services division and conducted capacity evaluations of adults throughout the city. Dr. Crumlish is currently an examiner for the Superior Court of D.C. Probate Division and has presented at several conferences on elder abuse in Washington, D.C. Currently Dr. Crumlish is a partner in the Washington Psychological Center where she provides therapy to adolescents, adults and couples. In addition, she is the Assistant Director of the Suicide Prevention Lab at the Catholic University of America where she has been a consultant on several randomized controlled trials of CAMS. As a Senior Consultant with CAMS-care, LLC, Dr. Crumlish has provided training in CAMS to mental health providers at multiple military posts, a state correctional organization and local and state mental health suicide prevention organizations.